Thursday, February 28, 2013

邪惡的士司機

邪惡的士司機

偷客行李官斥邪惡 的士司機囚4月


的士司機稱因一時貪念,接載乘客到目的地後趁對方到車尾箱取行李時,突高速開車離開,偷取乘客價值逾6.7萬行李。司機昨承認盜竊罪,裁判 官直斥他是邪惡的士司機,利用的士作搶劫工具,判他入獄4個月及賠償2萬元。


邪惡的士司機


案情透露,被告龍沛然(39歲)於今年1月8日,接載事主鄭偉及其兩名朋友從國際商貿中心前往太古廣場。到達目的地後,事主付過車資即步出 車廂打算提走行李,未料的士突然高速駛走,事主跟着的士高喊「行李呀!行李呀!」追截仍不果,遂報警求助。





行李放尾箱 趁客落車即駛走

事主被偷走的財物包括新秀麗(Samsonite)行李篋、LV行李袋、三星手機、IBM手提電腦、手表及香煙等,總值逾6.7萬元。

稱贓物不值錢全棄掉


被告警誡下承認,他把贓物移往其私家車,但稱物件均不值錢,更指事主的新秀麗行李篋是假的,其餘物品亦沒轉售價值。


辯方求情指被告因貪念犯案,事後因「好驚」及「未偷過嘢」,已將所有贓物棄於垃圾站;而被告過往於的士發現乘客遺下銀包後,曾誠實地交到警 局。


惟署任主任裁判官李慶年昨稱,被告故意挑選有錢的乘客為目標,有關個案有上升趨勢,故必須將其判囚。

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堅毅眼神好殺!1歲「吃麵弟」豪氣征服網友

吃麵弟

堅毅眼神好殺!1歲「吃麵弟」豪氣征服網友


1歲半的男童「小K」吃麵時弄得滿臉 麵條,但憑著「堅毅的眼神」、「一仰而盡的豪氣」,征服了大陸網友,封他為「吃麵弟」。照片在27日上午8點47分上傳,不到2天就超過30 萬名網友「圍 觀」,大讚男童可愛;也有人說,如果自己的兒子這樣做,他肯定會「抓狂」、「崩潰」。


吃麵弟





上傳照片的是「小K」媽媽「涵子」,她接受陸媒採訪時表示,其實「小K」快滿4歲了,已經去上幼兒園,她的閒暇時間變多,就經常看以前拍的 照片,看到「當時很崩潰、現在覺得好玩」的,就會隨手發到騰訊微博。


吃麵弟


涵子回憶,當時她才開始教「小K」自己吃飯,原本用叉子吃得「挺好」,她一轉身去拿個東西,「回來就已經變成滿身是麵!」她還分享了育兒 經,「父母們也別太崩潰,請見招拆招」、「未來的父母請做好充分的心理準備,娃大多數都有這個過程」。


吃麵弟


涵子透露,自己是山東青島人,還有一個6歲的女兒,2008年因為丈夫工作的關係,舉家移居日本九州,「小K」是在日本出生的,「現在他有 點小大人,而且吃麵相當有風度,連麵湯都不掉一滴。」


堅毅眼神好殺!1歲「吃麵弟」豪氣征服網友

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最大網民監獄 - 中國被指全球最大網民監獄

最大網民監獄

最大網民監獄 - 中國被指全球最大網民監獄


總部設在法國的無國界記者組織,昨發表今年的世界新聞自由榜,中國在全部一百七十九個國家及地區中位列第一百七十三位,排尾七。組織批評中 國宣傳部定期審查新聞機構,不斷加大力度控制及刪除微博,形容中國已成為全球最大的網民監獄。


最大網民監獄





新聞自由榜採用問卷調查,參與者包括全球十八個非政府組織及一百五十位記者與研究人員,主要就傳媒意見的多元化、自我審查情況、立法架構等 六項指標進行比較評價。今年仍由芬蘭、荷蘭及挪威冧莊三甲。


最大網民監獄


港跌4級排58

中國排名雖微升一級,仍處於倒數第七的惡劣位置,排名僅高於伊朗及北韓等六國;香港較去年下挫四名,排名五十八。據悉,該榜自○二年設立以 來,中國始終在尾十位置浮沉。組織今年亦將中國列為情況嚴峻國家,評價其新聞自由毫無改善迹象。


最大網民監獄


最大網民監獄 - 中國被指全球最大網民監獄

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日本雪女傳說

日本雪女傳說

日本雪女傳說 - 雪女殺人也豔情 日本雪女傳說


『你違背誓言我就殺死你』,如果你擁有這樣一位美麗賢淑卻隨時可能置你於死地的妻子,你會有什麼感受呢?以上正是日本民間傳說中的山中妖怪 ——雪女留給人們的印象。


日本雪女傳說


可以說,雪女在日本人心中是一種很糾結的妖怪,她擁有雪白的肌膚、漂亮的外貌、賢惠的性格,卻可以在你違背誓言的瞬間毫不留情地取人性命, 美麗而又恐怖。若遭遇雪女,你很可能會遭遇一段充滿豔情的恐怖經歷。





雪女的起源:很古老

據 中新網報導,雪女(ゆきおんな)是日本民間傳說中的一種妖怪,又名『雪姬』、『雪女郎』、『雪媛』,傳說是山神的部下,掌管日本冬天下雪的妖 怪。聲稱第一 個看到雪女的人是日本室町時代末期的一位叫宗祇的法師,他是當時日本著名的連歌師(連歌是一種俳諧向和歌過渡階段的文學形式),他自稱在越後 國(現在的新 瀉縣)的山中見過雪女,並在其著作《宗祇諸國物語》記載。


《宗祇諸國物語》也是日本第一本有記載雪女傳說的典籍,以 此推算,雪女這種妖怪至少在日本『存在』了500年以上。另有一說最早的雪女傳說記載在小泉八雲的小說中,我不認同這種說法。小泉八雲原是希 臘人,後來才 入籍日本的,比宗祇法師出生晚400多年。早在小泉八雲到達日本前,雪女的傳說早在日本民間流傳了。


雪女的故事:很豔情

雪女雖是一種冷酷無情的妖怪,但如果你是俊俏小生被雪女看中的話,還是會有一段豔遇的。有關與雪女豔遇的故事,日本民間存在多個版本,估計 每個雪女的脾性各有不同,有的喜歡只看不做,有的會顧全夫妻恩情,有的則會死守妖界的規則。


日本雪女傳說


故事一:long long ago,有一對住在深山老林中的樵夫父子。一日,這對樵夫父子在山裡砍柴的時候遇到暴風雪,被迫在山中的一間小木屋留宿。這間小木屋空無一人,父子見狀就 安心住了下來。豈料這間小木屋竟是雪女的香閨,半夜,一個穿著白色和服、肌膚雪白的美女從屋外闖了進來。小樵夫被驚醒,看到是傳說中的雪女嚇 得渾身打顫, 動彈不得,眼巴巴地看著雪女走到老樵夫身邊,彎下腰、吹口氣,老樵夫瞬間變成了『冰鮮』。


接著,雪女又走到小樵夫的 身邊。也許是看到小樵夫長得俊俏,雪女的殺意頓減,只是警告小樵夫說:『如果你把今晚發生的事告訴別人,我就殺了你。』說罷就消失在暴風雪 中。數年後,又 是一個下雪的夜晚,一位美若天仙的年輕姑娘來到小樵夫的家門前,請求他收留。大概又是尋親不遇、盤纏用盡,請大官人大發慈悲收留小女子,小女 子自當做牛做 馬報答相公之類的老套橋段了。小樵夫欣然接納,很快小女子就從做牛做馬變成做人老婆,最後還做了孩子他媽。


由於小樵 夫的老婆漂亮又賢惠,膚色雪白一點也不像當地的村姑,因此小樵夫的豔遇成為了村裡面人人羨慕的談資。可惜,又是一個下雪的晚上,曾經被雪女傷 害了弱小心靈 的小樵夫始終忘不了父親慘變『冰鮮』的惡夢,便把當年的恐怖經歷告訴了妻子。豈料小樵夫話音剛落,漂亮賢惠的老婆霎時變成了當年猙獰的雪女。 只見雪女狠狠 地警告小樵夫:『我當年就警告過你膽敢說出來就殺了你。看在我們的孩子份上,我再饒你一次。你要好好照顧孩子,否則我會回來殺了你。』說完又 像當年一樣消 失在風雪之中。從此,小樵夫的老婆再也沒有出現過。


這是秀輝看過最仁慈的一個雪女了,據說妖界對『承諾』非常看重,誰違反了對雪女的承諾,把遇到雪女的事說出來,雪女一定會執行妖界的規矩, 把那個人殺死。下面這兩個故事的主人公就沒有那麼幸運了。


日本雪女傳說


故事二:繼續long long ago,又一空虛寂寞的雪女出外獵豔,途中遇一帥哥(怎麼老有帥哥喜歡跑到山裡去……)。由於雪女索命的傳說風行於日本古代,這位遇到雪女的帥哥嚇呆了。 雪女看中了這位帥哥,不忍下手加害,就警告帥哥不得把遇到自己的事說出來,否則殺無赦。帥哥為求活命,就算讓他扮狗叫都答應了,立刻答應了雪 女的要求。


回 到町裡後的不久,一位外地來的白富美『偶遇』了帥哥,還對帥哥相當主動。帥哥自然順水推舟了,兩人很快就成親生子。當帥哥對枕邊人毫無防備之 際,便向妻子 和盤托出當日遇到雪女的經歷,結果——又是超級賽亞人變身——白富美妻子以超越悟空的速度變身為當日猙獰的雪女,口吹一個『雪氣功炮』把帥哥 變成了冰棍, 帶著和帥哥生下的小孩消失在雪中。


從以上兩個故事我們不難看到一些共同點:雪女的真身通常都在下雪的山中出現,不少 雪女都有獵豔的習慣,看到不喜歡的直接吹氣變冰棍,遇到喜歡的就讓對方許諾不張揚,然後幻化成美女接近對方,和對方結婚生子。如果對方信守承 諾一輩子不說 出遭遇雪女的事情就能和雪女變的嬌妻共諧連理,一旦說了出來就就會有殺身之禍。可惜,男人都是大嘴巴,最終都是禍從口出。


日本雪女傳說


故事三:還是long long ago,一雪女出外獵豔。遇一帥哥,帥哥可能對雪女的傳說了解較多,所以主動用手擋住眼睛,哀求雪女放過自己並保證不會向別人說出來。可惜這次的雪女脾氣 比較古怪,她的愛好是把喜歡的男人變成標本供起來欣賞。結果,帥哥被雪女凍結為『冰鮮標本』,被雪女帶回去陳列起來,享受雪女鐘愛的柏拉圖式 愛情。正是由 於這個傳說,很多在山中遭遇突如其來風雪而凍死的人,都會被古人神化為『遭遇雪女』——他們是被雪女冰凍後來不及帶走的標本。


以上三個故事是日本民間流傳比較廣的三個版本,從雪女的故事中可以看出古代日本人對偶遇美女的嚮往,對豔遇的追求和對承諾的看重。


雪女的傳說:很多種

由於雪女是一種民間流傳已久的妖怪,在各地的雪女傳說也各有不同。在日本北陸的新瀉縣,傳說縣內一個叫『小千谷』的地方曾經有過一位不喜歡 洗澡的媳婦。有天丈夫忍無可忍強行把媳婦拖去洗澡,結果媳婦在熱水中消失了,水面上只留下細小的冰塊,這就是新瀉縣的雪女傳說。


在中部的岐阜縣,傳說如果在下雪的時候有女性來敲門,你千萬不要按照她的要求給她涼水喝,因為那位女性就是雪女變成的,你給她涼水喝你就得 變成『冰鮮』。如果你懂得門道,倒給她一杯熱茶或者請她到火爐邊取暖,就可以嚇跑她。


在東北的山形縣,傳說在一個風雪的晚上,有一位姑娘到一對老人的家中投宿。老夫婦收留了她,讓她在家中歇息。半夜,姑娘堅持要趕路,老漢想 挽留,但當老漢的手捉到姑娘的手臂後感到一陣冰冷,姑娘隨之化成雪煙飛走。


還有一個在下雪天不要幫婦女抱小孩的傳說。傳說下雪天只要你在野外幫婦女抱小孩,這個小孩就會不斷地變重,雪越下越大,最終把你整個人埋在 雪裡。


日本古代有關雪女的傳說還有很多,長野、岩手、愛媛、奈良、青森等地均有自己地方特色的雪女傳說,在此就不一一列舉了。雪女雖然只是日本民 間的傳說,真實的雪女並不存在,但雪女的故事卻告誡著日本男人:有些事連老婆也不能說,說了出來是會死人滴!

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Why He Left Goldman

It was the culture, he contends
Recall about a year ago. It was the op-ed piece heard all around the business world, when Goldman Sachs vice president Greg Smith dared to announce his resignation on the pages of the New York Times. After an 11-year stint in its institutional sales unit, Smith announced he had had enough and it was time to depart. He decided to share publicly why his disappointments in the business culture led to his decision to leave a fairly lucrative position.

(See  CFN: Goldman Sachs and the Letter, Mar-2012)

At the time of his departure, Smith was head of U.S. Equity Derivatives in Goldman's London office. (In London, he was an "executive director," which at Goldman was equivalent to a U.S. "vice president.") He had progressed swiftly through the ranks and was highly regarded for his expertise in markets, clients and derivatives in his special perch. By most accounts, he was not a difficult employee and colleague. He had made meaningful contributions in many ways--building a new business in Europe, preparing  market insight in the form of frequent, written commentary to Goldman salesmen around the world, and agreeing to transfer to the London office, when he didn't want to.

The revered culture of clients coming first had evolved, he said, at Goldman in ways he felt uncomfortable. The crisis was partly at fault.  Every partner, managing director, vice president, and associate, he observed, was out for him- or herself. Survival was the mission of the day.

It boiled down to this, he observed:  The trading culture had evolved into a massive mission of accumulating "GCs"--gross credits, sometimes at the expense of doing the right thing for the client.  The value of the employee to the firm was determined by the total amount of GCs he or she accumulated during the year.

Mindful of this, the employee overlooks teamwork, partnership, and support for other colleagues and focuses singularly on maximizing GCs and, therefore, the year-end bonus, even if it means swiping GCs rudely and unfairly from colleagues or being willing to unload "toxic waste" securities onto unsuspecting or unknowing clients. 

So after he had his apocalyptic moment (on a business trip to Southeast Asia while Goldman executives had been summoned to a Congressional hearing), he decided to quit. As many expected, after the  op-ed blast in the Times, Smith went into hiding. He emerged from a  self-imposed rest when he published a book last fall to recount his experiences at Goldman and explain his well-publicized departure more thoroughly.  The book, Why I Left Goldman, received lukewarm reviews.  Reviewers and industry-insiders, and perhaps Government regulators, were looking for something more, perhaps a hint of scandal, a more detailed account of mishaps and fraudulent business practice. He presented none of that.

The book is similar to other detailed accounts of a young banker or trader's venture onto Wall Street. They are views from the ground up, from the trenches, from entry-level positions as the novice tries to adapt to the ways of a zoo-like trading room.  Smith's book reminds us Michael Lewis' Liar's Poker."

Smith is fresh out of Stanford and thrust onto a derivatives-sales desk.  Lewis had just graduated from Princeton and encountered the bowels of Salomon Brothers' legendary trading floor and lived to write one of the most spectacular, humorous accounts of Wall Street ever.  Smith's book is also similar to a lesser known, recent book, A Colossal Failure of Common Sense, by Lawrence McDonald of Lehman, an up-and-coming fixed-income trader, who viewed his last days at Lehman, not with sarcasm and humor, but with anger and humiliation.

Notwithstanding the so-so response to a book we knew he would write, for the newly minted MBAs, those who contemplate career paths in sales & trading at major banks, those who are considering institutional sales, the book has its strengths. It is an invaluable introduction to the trading floor, describing the environment, work pace, client groups, and specific roles.  Institutional sales will have an important role at big banks, as regulation prohibits much of proprietary trading.

Reform and new rules, whenever they are finally implemented in full, will permit the big banks (from Goldman Sachs to Bank of America and Citigroup) to engage in trading on behalf of clients, not necessarily on behalf of themselves.  Proprietary trading is being eased out of existence. Trading for clients will be permissible.  (Trying to distinguish between the two will sometimes be a nightmare for banks and regulators.)

Some will argue that as technology advances and clients get more comfortable with it, electronic trading and execution will replace sales professionals.  But as the book shows, sales professionals will be necessary to bring clients on board, help them with best execution, guide them through rough markets, and present new trading ideas.

Thus, the book provides a day-to-day overview of institutional sales and explains a conventional career path from analyst to managing director.  It describes the structure of a sales & trading organization, the management, and the relationship among sales professionals, traders, researchers, and floor brokers. It shows how the firm generates revenues from trades, the more difficult or exotic trades generating the largest commissions or mark-ups.

The book is a reflection on firm culture from the vantage point of the trading floor. Firm culture is important, but what is more critical is how the culture penetrates all activity, roles, relationships and transactions in the firm. Smith, in the book, contemplates firm-wide goals vs. personal goals, how the two intersect, but how they sometimes collide. And he shows how bad, selfish personal goals can be inferred from vague firm-wide goals.

Especially in the wake of the financial crisis, he highlights how personal goals sometimes became a higher priority than firm goals. In a vivid, poignant scene in the days after the collapse of Lehman Brothers as markets nose-dived, Smith watches a senior managing director on the trading floor glued in a silent trance to the computer screen, studying his personal portfolio of assets, having no care in the world with what was going on elsewhere with his clients or with Goldman.

Thirdly, Smith demonstrates the impact of corporate politics on a personal's career success. He had learned quickly, perhaps in his first few weeks, that success at Goldman or at any large financial institution would not be a result of effort, hard work, and time commitment. To get promoted to vice president or managing director, to have the opportunity to work abroad (in London, in his case), or to transition into a different role all required special networking skills. He would either have to learn those skills or rely on buddies, mentors or managers to guide him.

In his case, Smith wasn't a schmoozer. He was, however, fortunate to have advocates nearby on the trading floor, champions on his behalf, people who liked him and were willing to grant a favor or speak up on his behalf.  Generating "GCs" (or client-related revenues) could lead to a big bonus, but finding someone to spread the word about him could lead to a promotion. Over time, he learned to win favors in bars, accompany managers on business trips and bachelor parties, attend social functions and farewell receptions, and even allow clients to look good in parlor ping-pong games.

Diversity. Smith's book hardly touches the subject.  He had the opportunity to address it, because he describes himself as an outsider trying to find his way within a powerhouse firm. (He is a foreigner who grew up in South Africa before coming to the U.S. to go to college.)  He might have been so consumed by his frustration with how he perceived Goldman had evolved that there was much he couldn't get to. (For example, he barely discusses other parts of Goldman, including its investment-banking machine or its sectors in asset management, private equity or private banking.)

It appears, nonetheless, that women in sales & trading have had scattered chances to reach the highest rungs.  A handful of his bosses or senior colleagues, over the decade, are women. And he observes how they have had to evolve to survive or change to battle the machismo ways of trading-room trenches.

The fanfare around the op-ed piece book will likely fade into memory and become a mere, colorful chapter in the history of Goldman. Smith will likely move on beyond Wall Street. He learned a lot about global markets, clients, derivatives, financial products, exchanges, and business management. You can bet he has another book in mind. He highlights the foibles of certain banking cultures in this one. In the next, he'll probably present solutions.

Tracy Williams

See also:

CFN: How Does Goldman Do It? 2010
CFN:  Goldman Tweaks the Ladder, 2012
CFN:  The Role Goldman's Board, 2010
CFN:  Morgan Stanley Tries to Please Analysts, 2012
CFN:  The Volcker Rules, 2011

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Foster Tilapia, Kill Lake Yojoa

 Lake Yojoa is an amazing, beautiful natural wonder located on the road between Honduras' two largest cities, San Pedro Sula and Tegucigalpa. Located in the midst of mountain peaks, with hundreds of species of birds reported, it has long been a destination for Hondurans traveling the road, who stop at roadside fish restaurants. The name on the menu, if not the fish on the plate, was always bass. The lake was stocked with black bass back in the 1960s by the Tela Railroad Company, sparking a sport fishing industry that attracted fishermen from all over the world, especially the United States.

But Lake Yojoa has not fared well from the Honduran government.

A recent decision by the Dirección General de Pesca y Acuicultura, DIGEPESCA, to add 500,000 minnows of Tilapia to Lake Yojoa is among the most stupid and damaging things that could possibly be done to the lake. DIGEPESCA had a choice of any number of fish varieties to add to the lake. They picked a terrible, environmentally destructive fish.

Tilapia already exist in the lake. Tilapia were supposed to be farmed on the lake edge and in streams, but escaped into the lake, overpopulating it, reducing the oxygen available.

The black bass population decreased, as did the size of bass remaining in the lake, decimating the sport fishing industry and making it difficult for the Lake Yojoa area restaurants to obtain the famous black bass that drew in the crowds. 

No one comes to eat fried tilapia

Black bass, although also introduced, were not destructive of the lake environment the way tilapia are. Studies in 2008 found that tilapia farms were the major cause of pollution of the lake.  In particular the fish feces was found to promote algae growth. It also makes the lake smell bad. 

Today the lake is full of algae, a direct result of tilapia excrement, and red and black tilapia in abundance. To this overpopulated lake, DIGEPESCA will add 500,000 minnows of tilapia. 

The good news is that these will be devoured by the existing fish so in effect, DIGEPESCA will be supplying dinner for the existing fish supply, not introducing a new commercial fish.

In 2008 Donard Reyes condemned the government for fostering the destructive shift to tilapia:
The government has weighed in a balance, we can have the beauty of lake Yojoa or we can export tilapia, because undoubtedly, the cages that produce the tilapia, generate a good economic return for the state.

Black bass, and the international fisherman who prized them, are not the only victims of bad decision-making here.

The algae, low water, water hyacinths, and low oxygenation has greatly diminished the diversity of species of birds and animals found in and around the lake.

SERNA, the ministry responsible for the environment was trying in 2010 to restore some balance to the lake by removing water hyacinths and restricting agricultural runoff into the lake.

There was even talk of removing the existing tilapia farms in the lake to try and reduce the contaminants.

DIGPESCA, however, belongs to the Secretaria de Agricultura y Ganado, not SERNA, and appears to be unconcerned about working against another minisry. 

Nor is there any concern apparent about the impact on the work of Hondulago and Amuprolago, NGOs working to provide water treatment for communities dumping wastewater into the lake.

So much for the tourism industry around the lake.  It, like the lake, will die of government stupidity.

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Resumo do dia

Períodos de céu muito nublado, apresentando-se muito nublado/encoberto durante a manhã
Aguaceiros fracos e pouco frequentes
Temperaturas: máx: 13,5ºC, min: 3,0ºC

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